Languange and Gender
Language and gender scholars aimed to show that language – both in use and as a form of representation – was a primary means of constructing gender differences, and at times hierarchies and inequalities between men and women. Consequently, two aspects emerged in language and gender research;
• how women and men talked (and by extension, wrote),
• how women/men/boys and girls were represented in language – as a code, as discourse, and in actual texts.
Early sociolinguistic studies of gender often assumed that gender should be studied where it was most salient, and that gender was most salient in cross-sex interaction between potentially sexually accessible interlocutors, or same-sex interaction in gender-specific tasks. Work based on this assumption led to a series of insightful studies of the linguistic styles of men and women in romantic heterosexual relationships or in experimental settings designed to simulate such relationships.
There are two strands of research that have, in my view, contributed most to the development of the field in recent decades:
• variationist
• interactional research :
deficiency,
dominance,
cultural difference
social constructionism.
Variationist studies
Traditional variationist studies conceptualise ‘sex’ as a fixed and universal variable determining people’s use of language alongside other equally key categories such as class, age and ethnicity. Men and women did use different forms, particularly phonologically, and drew the conclusion that within every social class, women use more standard forms than men.
Interactional studies
• Deficit theory
Deficit theory posited that from an early age, girls are taught how to use a separate ‘woman’s language’: they are socialised to use language in a ‘ladylike’ way. this lady-like language was mainly manifested by a range of modifiers that in her opinion diluted the message and signified an unconfident and powerless speaker.
• Dominance theory
Women constructed their own subordination through their language use was a forerunner of ‘dominance’ theory. This had two distinct, parallel branches:
language as social interaction
Considered how gender inequalities were constructed through routine interactions between men and women
language as a system focusing on ‘sexism’ within the language.
In terms of language as social interaction, dominance theorists viewed ordinary conversation as highly instrumental in constructing unequal gender relations. In order to reveal the word-byword reproduction of patriarchy, early feminist linguists conducted numerous small-scale, interactional studies of largely informal conversations which examined the nature and frequency of talk, silences, questions, interruptions and ‘back-channelling’.
In terms of language as a system, it was argued that language has evolved over the centuries to serve male needs, to represent male interests, and to express male experiences: in short, it is ‘man-made’. There were hree further ways in which the language sustains this andro-centric perspective:
linguistic marking of terms to denote women
semantic derogation
lexical
Cultural difference theory
It said that women and men constitute different ‘sub-cultures’ learnt through friendly interactions as children in single-sex peer groups. So boys learn how to compete with others for access to ‘the floor’, to use referential, goal-orientated language, and to say things for impact and effect. Girls alternatively learn how to build relationships of equality and trust, to co-operate with others to get things done, and to express feelings and emotions.
These contrasting conversational goals corresponded to differently gendered speech ‘styles’, whereby ‘women speak and hear a language of connection and intimacy, while men speak and hear a language of status and independence’. Women learn to use ‘rapport talk’ while men learn to use ‘report talk’.
Main current issues
• Social constructionism and the ‘post-modern turn’
Social constructionist theory suggests that males and females are not born, or even simply socialised into a pre-fixed gender identity, but they become gendered through their interactions. Individuals don’t have gender, they do gender through repeated behavioural and linguistic interactions.
This post-modern perspective argues that males and females do not have an individual essence, character or ‘core’; there are no intrinsic male or female characteristics, only ones that are brought into being through repeated bodily or linguistic actions. Any apparent characteristics are the effects we produce by way of particular things we do.
According to the social constructionist perspective, gender can therefore be seen as relational, a process, something that is done, and an important resource for constructing gender roles and identities.
• Gender and sexuality
The focus of much recent ‘gender and sexuality’ research has been upon
‘hetero-normativity’,
the system that naturalises and rewards a particular kind of heterosexuality – complementary, monogamous.
reproductive male/ female partnerships – as the basis for a stable society.
One line of research has examined how the hetero-normative principle is achieved through the linguistic performance of heterosexual identities.
There are, however, at least four significant, and increasingly controversial, theoretical assumptions about gender embedded in this recommendation:
1. gender is closely wedded to sex, and the study of gender is closely wedded to the study of heterosexuality;
2. gender is an attribute;
3. the study of gender is the study of individuals;
4. gender is best studied where most salient.
The relationship of gender to sex and sexuality
Challenges to norms of sex and gender can cast a particularly illuminating light on the construction of sex and gender because they make visible norms and counternorms of gender.
“sex”: biological differences between males and females
“gender”: the social, cultural, psychological constructs that are imposed upon these biological differences. Gender designates a set of categories to which we can give the same label crosslinguistically or crossculturally because they have some connection to sex differences.
Gender as Activity and Relation
A variety of metaphors have arisen to capture this idea: gender as activity, gender as performance, gender as accomplishment. As a group they can be understood as embodying a practice-based approach to gender, and as such they participate in a wider move within linguistic and sociocultural anthropology since the mid-1970s to use practicebased models
Judith Butler argues that Humanist conceptions of the subject tend to assume a substantive person who is the bearer of various essential and nonessential attributes. A humanist feminist position might understand gender as an attribute of a person who is characterized essentially as a pregendered substance or “core” called the person, denoting a universal capacity for reason, moral deliberation or language.
The model of personhood described by Butler has been called abstract individualism, defined as an approach to understanding the relationship of people to society which “considers individual human beings as social atoms, abstracted from their social contexts, and disregards the role of social relationships and human community in constituting the very identity and nature of individual human beings”.
The Gender of Institutions
The third problem with a focus on studying gender in heterosexual dyads is that it suggests that “gendered talk is mainly a personal characteristic or limited to the institution of the family”. This is then accompanied by a preference for studying gender in “informal conversations, often in one-to-one or small-group relationships in the family or neighborhood”.
A focus on interactions between romantic partners in sociolinguistics draws attention away from the importance of studying the ways that “gender is a structural principle other social institutions: workplaces, schools, courts, political assemblies and the state” and the patterns they display in “the recruitment, allocation, treatment, and mobility of men as opposed to women”
Gender differences are created in bureaucratic interactions in legal, medical, psychiatric, and welfare settings. Gender thus should be understood as a principle for allocating access to resources, and a defense for systematic inequalities. It is, like class and racialized ethnicity, an axis for the organization of inequality, though the way each of these axes work may have their own distinctive features.
The salience of gender
There is a radical division of opinion between those social constructionists who argue from a ‘local’ perspective that gender can be justified as a category but only on a case-by-case basis, ‘from the ground up’ before it can be legitimately addressed within research, and those who argue from a more ‘global’ perspective that there is evidence of a wider ‘gender order’. This order is viewed as ‘a repressive ideology which continues to ensure that deviation from gender norms (by women or men) entails penalties’.
The difference between the concept of ‘indexing’ and a discourse approach is that the latter is constitutive and not simply indicative: discourses position speakers to speak and act in given ways, but speakers can negotiate their subject positions and offer resistance within these discourses.
Future trajectory and new debates
• The first is the possible challenge posed by a resurgence of biological explanations of gender, spearheaded by the Darwinist science of evolutionary psychology. Cameron has warned scholars that if they fail to take notice of ‘conversations’ about biological essentialism, ‘the result may be to re-marginalise feminist linguistic scholarship’.
• A second new direction in the field is a proposal to extend the well-established concept of ‘communities of practice’ within language and gender research in order to enable an ‘articulation between the local, the extra-local and the global.
According to the CofP concept, social practice emphasising the social significance of what people do, goes well beyond simple individual acts or conversations to socially regulated, repeated and interpreted collaborative doings. The authors argue that scholars should aim to analyse how such ‘practices articulate with the wider world and with wider discourses of gender and sexuality’.
The CofP concept could be extended to achieve this aim in two ways:
The first is comparatively by examining different but similar kinds of CofP to move beyond particular and specific insights about a community to more general observations about gender and sexuality, example of how the interactional style of female leadership in business settings varies according to the type of community of practice, and how workplaces, not participants, can be described as ‘gendered’.
Second way of extending the CofP concept is relationally, by locating communities of practice in relation to a world beyond – other communities, social networks, institutions and more global, imagined communities. This is shows that the use of English helps to construct an ‘imagined cosmopolitanism’.
Third new direction for language and gender concerns the wide range of research methodologies through which the discipline is currently investigated. They propose that, rather than asking in competitive spirit which method is most appropriate for language and gender research, theorists should inquire what the affordances and limitations are of each method for a particular context or study.
In this sense, research methodologies are not simply instrumental, but are conceptually driven
with specific theoretical and epistemological imperatives
Question :
1. It is said that women learn to use ‘rapport talk’ while men learn to use ‘report talk’. Can you give some example of these kind of talk in Indonesian?
2. Do you think the language usage by women and men can affect their writing style/ If yes, how to differenciate the writing style between a men and a women?